As representatives of the Catholic Church and Chinese government gathered in Rome on May 21 to commemorate the centenary of the first Council of the Catholic Church in China, it is worth revisiting the history — and the consequences — of papal diplomacy, which dates back to the fifth century. 

As our Catechism details, the Church bears witness to our common dignity and to the vocation of each of us within the community of persons, and instructs us in the demands of justice, freedom, development, human relations and peace. It is in the complex web of international social relations that the Church seeks to make these demands of the Gospel known diplomatically. Jesus Christ is, after all, not only the savior of the individual but also the redeemer of social units and societies.

The papacy has been able to employ a network of its representatives at local Churches and states, most commonly by bishops as ambassadors or papal legates, the form of which consolidated after the Napoleonic Wars at the Congress of Vienna (1814-1815). 

Papal diplomacy is still of fundamental importance today in efforts to reduce oppression, prevent repression and violence, and prevent or end war. Even where war seems inevitable, papal diplomacy does not shy away from discerning the characteristics of just war and just defense. 

The totalitarian dictatorships of the 20th century emphasized not only the need but the necessity of this ministry of the Church. Indeed, a particularly heroic chapter of Vatican diplomacy was written by Achille Ratti and Eugenio Pacelli, both later pontiffs (Pius XI and XII), whose diplomatic experience and erudition bore unexpected fruit and secured for the Church a mission that not only won admiration but caused the life of the Church to flourish on a global scale. The later encyclicals of both cannot be imagined without their previous diplomatic service in the nunciatures. The Church’s wartime struggle during the Second World War, its support of the Resistance in the Czech Republic, Poland and elsewhere, and its contribution to the edification of a world of peace deserve not only admiration but gratitude to these brave men of the Church. 

However, the mid- to late-1950s witnessed a transformation in this diplomatic service, and the principles of the struggle for freedom and human dignity had begun to be set aside in favor of the politics of détente, which was mainly supported by the political left and communist states. Vatican diplomacy favored a form of realism and “quiet” diplomacy (known as Ostpolitik) that negotiated in a manner more typical of nation-states, while subordinating values such as the rule of law. 

Vatican diplomacy wanted to reach bilateral agreement in order to preserve the life of the local communities, while sacrificing the desires and expectations of the local Churches. In an attempt to “cooperate” with communist regimes, the Vatican tried a softer method, giving in on issues of human rights and religious freedom. By then, prelates like Hungary’s Cardinal József Mindszenty had become the conscience of the Catholic Church, confined because they would not compromise. Dozens of bishops were imprisoned in communist prisons in Europe, China and Vietnam. Some, like China’s Cardinal Ignatius Kung, spent decades in prison. They were following in the footsteps of such heroic bishops as Theophilius Matulionis of Lithuania — examples that showed us how ideals must never kneel before unacceptable realities. Long before him, bishops like St. John Fisher, later martyred by King Henry VIII, prayed for such “strong and mighty pillars,” recognizing that the apostles “were but soft and pliable clay until the fire of the Holy Spirit hardened them.”

Such a pillar then emerged. Quiet diplomacy was skillfully overcome under Pope St. John Paul II, who strengthened underground and dissident information networks to raise his voice and extend his reach. He insisted that the Gospel of Jesus Christ be made public, no matter what. 

Against the wishes of the Polish communists, he brought the truth to the people, who responded by chanting “We want God.” The ideals and principles of his diplomatic mission were rooted in God’s revelation — the Bible — and in the tradition of the Church. They became a visible and indispensable part of his worldwide papal ministry. The struggle for the dignity and rights of the unique person created in the image of God, the fundamental good of the family and the autonomy of the nation had a strong advocate in him. 

Today the Church faces other threats and challenges. Throughout the West, including in my own country [Czech Republic], there are attempts to exclude the Church — and the truths of the human person — far from the public square. Schools and teachers in some Western countries are being threatened when they teach basic truths such as the difference between males and females. Men and women are “silenced” by their fellow citizens. Some are even fired from their jobs for their positions defending the good of marriage and the value of all human life.

Elsewhere, the threats to fundamental freedom are even more grave. The Holy See, in the name of realism, appears to prefer to trade Ukrainian land for peace with Russia. This unrealized arrangement is nevertheless preferable to secret deals, such as the one secured (and likely to be renewed) with the Chinese government. 

Just as silence and complicity with the communist regime damaged my country and made it easier for the government to imprison dissidents, the Church’s silence in the face of human rights abuses by Communist China harms Catholic life in China. 

Hudson Institute scholar Nina Shea has documented that eight Catholic bishops are now believed to be detained indefinitely without trial in China. We know that the great Cardinal Joseph Zen was arrested in 2022 and is now being watched and monitored by the state. Jimmy Lai, a Catholic convert and newspaper owner, has been held in solitary confinement in Hong Kong for more than three years. 

Václav Havel [the famous Czech writer and statesman], with whom I once shared a cell, wrote that the only way to fight totalitarian power is for each of us to have the courage to choose to live the truth in our own lives, no matter what. Today, we are again facing totalitarian dictatorships and ideologies. Once again, courageous individuals are paying the price for standing up to them. Strengthened by such modern witnesses, whether known or unknown, Vatican diplomacy must regain and raise its voice to join them in defending the human person and in defending the Gospel. The time of courage has come once again. 

 

Cardinal Dominic Duka is the archbishop emeritus of Prague. This essay originally appeared July 9 in the Italian newspaper Il Foglio. It is reprinted in English with the cardinal’s permission.