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Can McCain Take Up the ‘Catholic’ Mantle?
BY Brian Burch March 9-15, 2008 Issue |
Posted 3/4/08 at 3:08 PM
After Toni Morrison infamously declared Bill Clinton,
“America’s first black president,” some Catholics, most notably former
Pennsylvania Sen. Rick Santorum, took to calling George W. Bush America’s
“first Catholic president.”
The title was an affront to the legacy of JFK, but more
likely was aimed at the president’s commitment to protecting the dignity of the
human person, particularly on the issues of abortion, stem-cell research and
marriage.
With the GOP presidential sweepstakes now winnowing,
faithful Catholics might reasonably begin to ask whether Sen. John McCain of
Arizona could be the next “Catholic” president. I believe the evidence favors
such a hope.
In an address to conservatives earlier this month, McCain
attempted to lay to rest any doubt about his pro-life views.
“I believe today as I believed 25 years ago … in the social
values that are the true source of our strength,” he said. And “the steadfast
defense of our rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, which I
have defended my entire career as God-given to the born and unborn.”
The choice of words was not an accident, and was made more
forceful by his statement that shortly followed: “I am not in the habit of
making promises to my country that I do not intend to keep.”
McCain willingly staked his political life on the surge in
Iraq, saying at the time that he would rather lose an election than lose a war.
The strategy has since silenced its critics, and McCain has quickly become the
most trusted leader on how to responsibly end the war — by winning it.
Perseverance in a worthy cause despite criticism is a trait
we should esteem in a political candidate.
McCain no doubt feels that is what he exhibits on issues
like immigration. The backlash of many conservatives against the McCain-Kennedy
comprehensive immigration bill spelled apostasy for many GOP supporters.
While Denver Archbishop Charles Chaput called the
legislation “imperfect” while he urged Catholics to support the bill as a reasonable
balance between the need to enforce the rule of law and the need to treat with
dignity “millions of our fellow human beings.” Archbishop Raymond Burke of St.
Louis, no stranger to political controversy, cautioned, “Let us be tireless in
welcoming the stranger into our midst with Christlike respect and love.”
Archbishop Chaput admitted that “good people can disagree
sharply on this sensitive issue” but argued that our current laws create
“impossible contradictions and suffering,” and called on Americans to respond
with both justice and mercy.
Ironically, at the time the immigration bill was being
debated, McCain found himself outside his own party and instead in the camp of
many Catholic social justice advocates.
Today, his leadership on the issue will likely help his
chances with Hispanic voters against the Democratic nominee in November.
Similarly, McCain’s leadership in helping pass the
anti-torture amendment in 2005, along with his consistent reminder of the need
to respect the dignity of the human person, even in warfare, once again found
him out of step with his party’s base, but very much in step with Catholic
teaching.
The “warmongering” tag that will likely be leveled against
McCain in the coming months will need to be weighed against his efforts at
preserving our own moral integrity in the prosecution of the war on terror.
Catholics should welcome McCain’s judgment in this area,
formed in large part from his own experiences.
To be sure, the prudential judgments of McCain on issues
like immigration are quite distinct from the unequivocal obligation to protect
innocent human life in the womb, human embryos and the institution of marriage.
McCain’s record here is mixed, and even problematic on the
issue of public funding for research that involves the killing of human
embryos.
Sen. Sam Brownback, R-Kan., an ardent defender of the rights
of the unborn and supporter of McCain, believes the advancements in science
provide him an opportunity to abandon embryo-killing research altogether.
Others have suggested that McCain has signaled his willingness to reconsider
his vote in favor of the destructive research. Such signals, if true, will
further bolster McCain’s credibility with faithful Catholics.
On the issue of marriage, McCain has been criticized harshly
for opposing the Federal Marriage Amendment, a remedy he argued was not
proportionate to the threat, and that stood little chance of success.
Employing his instincts, McCain urged caution in amending
the Constitution, and instead argued that the issue should be left to the
states.
He did support the 1996 Defense of Marriage Act, which still
protects states from the recklessness of others like Massachusetts. And in his
home state of Arizona, he supported a ban on homosexual “marriage” that
included a ban on civil unions.
While many Catholics, including me, disagreed with McCain’s
judgment on the need for federal protection, our disagreements were not over
whether marriage should be preserved, but how it ought to be done.
The “Catholic” badge in presidential politics has a storied
and controversial history.
One thing we can be certain of is that a President Obama or
President Clinton would not wear the badge very well.
Democratic celebration of abortion rights, redefining of
marriage and the destruction of human embryos have been turning away Catholics
at an ever-increasing rate.
Brian Burch is the president of Fidelis,
a national grassroots advocacy group,
which has endorsed
John McCain for president.
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